Trump Announces the JFK Files Have Been RELEASED!

It was aliens!
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Filmed the whole thing up close. She was never found, neither was the footage.


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Had to look this one up, too.

Never heard of her, either.

One would think that with facial enhancement and recognition software… and billions of images they are now online… that someone would have run a facial recognition program. Maybe only find an obit picture… but one never knows!!!

I’m not a conspiracy kind of guy… but JFK assassination still leaves me with questions…

Sirhr

Sirhr
 
Interesting…. I have seen a lot of old wartime cartoons with umbrellas… so this does make a lot of sense!!

I can't believe you'd try to sucker 918v into another honey trap. :D

There are a bunch of motifs that get repeated in cartoons, movies everything from that era.

Hobos, tramps and bums is another one but nobody knows the difference anymore.

The "signs of the times" always get incorporated into contemporary entertainment and often more accurately than "news".

Political cartoons are keystones for a lof or it. Music captures a lot of it too, like the 60s, and contributes to culture for decades. One day people may look back at memes for cultural clues of the times. There's already a meme database, wouldn't surprise me if one day if memes became a subject of archaeological or anthropological study.

Had to look this one up, too.

wtf!?

How can you not have heard of the babushka lady? Are you even literate? :ROFLMAO:

The crap attached to JFK is nearly as wide as it is deep. NOLA, black dog, LBJ of course, UFOs, Frankel, the limo driver shot him, the knoll, Cubans ...
 
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I have seen a lot of old wartime cartoons with umbrellas… so this does make a lot of sense!!
More than most know, the umbrella trick is used in Africa all the time & allows getting close to dangerous game. It was also used in Bright Light ops so as to not scare/spook game, before the attack/capture took place. Some of the guys cammo' ed theirs but in general it was never needed, a black or brown worked just as well in the bush, open country it was white.
 
I'm glad that this conversation is still going on here.

Just speaking generally (as someone who's admittedly very interested in the topic)- it's long been my opinion that "we" (collectively as Americans) have been asking and arguing over the "wrong" questions for decades.

At the end of the day, in my opinion at least, the first question we need to ask is whether the Warren Commission's report succinctly investigates the assassination and addresses the otherwise 'open ended' questions it was was tasked with answering. If not- why?

If we accept the Warren Commission's report then "we" believe that LHO acted alone and did so mainly because "he wanted to". "We" are also dismissing some 'odd' details such as LHO's military background/gaps as he 'drifted' across the Soviet Union (and took a wife there)but refuse to believe that during the absolute hight of the Cold War neither the Soviet Union or USA had him on their radar. "We" also accept that he was able to get those 3 shots off from the "sniper's perch" but in believing that choose to ignore that the rifle wasn't zero'd when examined and, if I'm not mistaken, had to be shimmed to even be tested by the Warren Commission.

"We" also have to accept that we were developing technology to go to the freakin' moon & had satellites orbiting the earth that could read the brand of cigarettes of a pack left on a football field from space, "we" also accept that the autopsy/medical records of JFK weren't altered and that any previously perceived discrepancies were just "part of the chaos"...

I can keep going on but I won't convince or sway anyone either way but I'll say it again- we've collectively been asking the wrong questions & I think that's 'by design'. We argue over the minutia while ignoring the broader details on the subject.
 
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I hear ya. ^^^^^^^^^

Our government has lied to us every time its mouth was open for decades.
Still the status quo as much as I like the current administration. It will never stop hiding truth.

But I have become accustomed to liking the Republican version of the truth.
 
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I remember when it happened I was just 16 and later my grandfather made comment about it being an inside job. He passed away in 1965 but said "If they seal the records no matter how long, they are telling you they did it". That was my first clue about how corrupt elements of the gov were.
That event is what put me on the self research/thinking path of all things that had a smell. I did not realize until later in life the amount of septic tanks with heavily sealed lids, that would be opened,...
 
I think it's funny that the phrase "conspiracy theory" was coined by the CIA, for people who didn't believe the narrative for the JFK assassination.

However it turns out they were all right. He WAS assassinated by govt agents, and the CIA knew about it, and was in on it.

That is just hilarious. It's exactly what democrats do. Accuse you of the EXACT thing they are doing.
 
Pretty sure this is the photo she took, which is showing her just after taking it in the photo you posted.

Her name is Mary Moore man.

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put down the foil and walk away from the computer/phone.

Swing and a miss. Did you actually read the wiki article ? Oliver Beverly has claimed to be the babuska lady since the 70s. Sooooo ??
 
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BIG_REVEAL.gif


Sooo...

Did anything ever come out of it?

Or will "The List" follow the same trajectory down memory lane such as this recent big reveal? :ROFLMAO:

I mean, already we're seeing all sorts of bizarre tribalist deflections, such as "the Democrats preventing its release" and the like...
 
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translation ... maybe​

There are quite a few images at the end of the doc which won't be translated here. Things like a copy of Oswald's letter requesting asylum from Russia, yada yada, blah blah




Part 1 — Introduction to the Published Documents


THE ASSASSINATION OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, JOHN F. KENNEDY — One of the most striking sensations of the second half of the 20th century.
The continuous stream of journalistic works, investigations, documentary and artistic films once again confirms that the interest in this event not only persists but will continue for many years.


This topic is actively used not only for conspiratorial purposes — to attract audience attention or gain fame — but also in political interests.


The recent decree of President D. Trump dated January 23, 2025, No. 14176, concerning the publication of classified materials related to the assassination of the 35th President of the United States, is largely connected with the internal political struggle in that country, as well as with questions of transparency and uncontrolled activities of its special services.


In historical science, the topic of Kennedy’s assassination appeared long ago. No serious researcher of Soviet-American relations of the modern period could overlook it. Scholars paid particular attention to the causes and consequences of the Cuban Missile Crisis, as well as the history of preparing and signing the Moscow Treaty of 1963.


It should be noted that most existing literature described primarily the U.S. position, since the main American documents have long been publicly available in the U.S. National Archives and in the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum in Boston.


Soviet documents, on the other hand, largely remained inaccessible for a long time. Analyses of Moscow’s position relied mainly on memoirs of Soviet diplomats and officials, as well as the testimonies of N. Khrushchev’s son Sergei Khrushchev. But as memoirs, these sources could not replace the original archival materials.




Thanks to the recent publication of the third volume of documents by the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History, this gap has now been largely filled.
The collection provides a documentary foundation showing, for the first time, the active assistance of Soviet authorities in the investigation of this crime and their cooperation with the new U.S. administration of President Lyndon B. Johnson.


This publication includes materials from:


  • The Archive of the President of the Russian Federation, recently transferred to the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History (RGANI);
  • And materials discovered in the Federal Archives of the FSB, the SVR, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the KGB archives.

The collection is intended both for specialists and for anyone interested in the modern history of Russia.


General sponsor: JSC “Transneft”.
 
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Part 2 — Archaeographic Preface


(Pages 16–21 of the original Russian document)




ARCHAEOGRAPHIC PREFACE


This documentary collection — “The Assassination of the President of the United States, John F. Kennedy, and Soviet-American Relations” — is part of the long-term publication project of the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History (RGANI), New History Documents Series.


The collection focuses on the reaction of the Soviet leadership to the assassination of John F. Kennedy and subsequent interactions with the new U.S. administration of President Lyndon B. Johnson. For the first time, on a strict documentary basis, it shows the Soviet government’s assistance in the U.S. investigation into the assassination, as well as the evolution of relations between Moscow and Washington during the turbulent months that followed.


The publication includes declassified archival documents from the following institutions:


  • The Archive of the President of the Russian Federation (APRF)
  • The Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation (AVPRF)
  • The Russian State Archive of Contemporary History (RGANI)
  • The Archives of the FSB, SVR, and KGB
  • As well as supplementary materials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other related repositories.

These sources together provide a unique and comprehensive picture of the political climate of the early 1960s, the diplomatic language between Moscow and Washington, and the mechanisms of communication that existed even in the era of deep ideological confrontation.




Structure of the Collection


The book consists of several main sections, each focusing on a key phase of Soviet-American relations between 1963 and 1964:


  1. Responsibility for the Fate of the World Lies in These Hands
    Documents about Soviet-American relations at the highest level during the pre-election campaign in the U.S. (June 13 – October 25, 1963).
  2. Kennedy’s Death Was a Heavy Blow
    Documents on the participation of Soviet representatives in the funeral of J.F. Kennedy and the development of Soviet-American cooperation during the investigation of the crime (November 22, 1963 – September 28, 1964).
  3. With Understanding Toward the Initiative to Create the John F. Kennedy Memorial Library
    Documents on the provision of materials for the U.S. Presidential Library and Museum (February 26 – August 28, 1964).
  4. “I Ask to Be Accepted into the Citizenship of the Soviet Union”
    Documents concerning the stay of Lee Harvey Oswald in the USSR (October 13, 1959 – May 28, 1962).

Following these are Name and Geographical Indexes, as well as a List of Published and Attached Documents and Facsimiles.




Principles of Publication


All documents are published in full, preserving their original orthography and punctuation. Editorial clarifications, expansions of abbreviations, and explanatory footnotes are supplied where necessary for clarity.
Documents in English and other foreign languages are accompanied by Russian translations in the original edition (and here, in this translation, by their English equivalents).


Every document has an archival reference indicating the archive, collection number, file number, and page.


The text is supplemented by photocopies of key archival materials and photographs of meetings, ceremonies, and artifacts related to the assassination and investigation.


The editors and compilers of the collection are:


  • S.E. Naryshkin (Chairman)
  • A.N. Artizov (Deputy Chairman)
  • V.V. Gerasimov, S.A. Nikitov, A.F. Lyubim, S.E. Terebov, N.I. Tokarev, M.A. Permyakov

Compilers: I.O. Ivanov, A.S. Stepanov




Purpose of the Edition


This collection is intended for both academic researchers and the general public interested in:


  • The history of Cold War diplomacy,
  • The evolution of Soviet-American relations,
  • And the historical context of Kennedy’s assassination.

It provides valuable insight into the Soviet perspective and demonstrates the degree of mutual influence between Moscow and Washington at a time when the world stood on the edge of nuclear war but still sought common ground for peace.




End of Part 2 — Archaeographic Preface
 
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Part 3 — Section I


“Responsibility for the Fate of the World Lies in These Hands”


(Documents on Soviet-American relations at the highest level during the pre-election campaign in the United States, June 13 – October 25, 1963)




Background


The summer and fall of 1963 were marked by a noticeable thaw in U.S.–Soviet relations.
After the Cuban Missile Crisis, both sides realized that nuclear confrontation must be avoided at all costs. This understanding led to an unprecedented diplomatic exchange culminating in the signing of the Moscow Treaty — the Limited Nuclear Test Ban Treaty — which banned nuclear tests in the atmosphere, outer space, and under water.


In this context, both President John F. Kennedy and Premier Nikita Khrushchev sought to demonstrate to the world that peaceful coexistence between two systems was possible, and that the Cold War could be managed through dialogue.




Document No. 1 — Speech by President John F. Kennedy


“The Strategy of Peace”
Delivered to American University graduates, Washington D.C., June 10, 1963.


“The right to live our own lives without fear of annihilation, the right to breathe air unpolluted by fallout, the right of future generations to a healthy existence — these are the rights of all humankind.”

The Soviet leadership, including Khrushchev personally, reacted positively to this speech.
The text was fully reprinted in Pravda on June 13, 1963, and two days later Izvestia and Pravda both published an interview with Khrushchev titled “The Soviet Leader’s Response to the Speech of the American President.”


Khrushchev welcomed Kennedy’s call for peace and nuclear restraint, interpreting it as a sign of mutual understanding after the deadly brink of 1962.




Document No. 2 — Memorandum of Conversation between Khrushchev and U.S. Undersecretary of State W. Harriman


Moscow, July 26, 1963


Harriman arrived in Moscow to finalize the terms of the Test Ban Treaty.
During the meeting at the Kremlin, Khrushchev stated:


“The world must not again stand on the edge of catastrophe.
The Cuban events showed us how fragile the peace is, and how easily the world could have been destroyed by miscalculation.
We must make sure that the relations between our countries are not built on fear, but on reason.”

After several hours of talks, the parties agreed on the treaty text, and the Limited Test Ban Treaty was signed in Moscow on August 5, 1963, by representatives of the USSR, the USA, and the UK — Foreign Ministers Andrei Gromyko, Dean Rusk, and Lord Hume.




Document No. 3 — Message from Nikita Khrushchev to John F. Kennedy


August 17, 1963


“I urge you not to stop at what has been achieved but to take new, further steps from this good starting point.
Of course, the road will not be easy, but we must persist, step by step, moving forward patiently until we resolve the pressing issues that will truly serve the interests of our peoples and the whole world.”



Document No. 4 — Khrushchev’s Diary Entry


September 1963


“The conclusion of the Moscow Treaty was a turning point.
There is now a genuine hope that the Americans will act in good faith. Kennedy appears reasonable, far more than his predecessors.
If we can maintain personal contact, perhaps even meet again, it could pave the way to genuine détente.”



Document No. 5 — Report by Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko


To the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, September 1963


The report emphasized that after the success of the Moscow Treaty, U.S.–Soviet relations were entering a new phase.
Gromyko noted that American diplomats were increasingly open to discussing disarmament, trade, and cultural exchange, though tensions over Germany, Cuba, and Vietnam persisted.


He concluded:


“The United States is approaching a presidential election year.
Domestic politics may push the White House to adopt a harsher tone toward the Soviet Union, but for now, there is an atmosphere of cautious optimism.”



Document No. 6 — Memorandum from the Soviet Ambassador in Washington, Anatoly Dobrynin, to the Foreign Ministry (MID)


October 20, 1963


Dobrynin reported:


“President Kennedy is under pressure from right-wing forces. Nevertheless, he continues to insist that there is no alternative to peaceful coexistence.
In our confidential discussions, he speaks of the future in pragmatic terms — the need to prevent nuclear war, to reduce military expenditures, and to expand scientific cooperation.”

He further noted that Kennedy’s personal respect for Khrushchev had grown since the Cuban Crisis and that the U.S. President “was sincerely interested in a second summit meeting.”




Summary of Section I


The documents of this section collectively reveal that by late 1963, Soviet-American relations had reached their highest point since the Second World War.
Both leaders — Kennedy and Khrushchev — had come to the shared conviction that peace must be preserved above all else.


As Khrushchev put it:
“The fate of the world lies in the hands of those who can prevent war. It is our duty to bear this responsibility with reason and courage.”



✅ End of Part 3, Section I
 
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Part 3 — Section II


“Kennedy’s Death Was a Heavy Blow”


(Documents from November 22, 1963 – September 28, 1964)




Historical Context


On November 22, 1963, at approximately 12:30 p.m. Dallas time, President John Fitzgerald Kennedy was shot while traveling in a motorcade through Dealey Plaza.
The shocking news quickly reached the Soviet Embassy in Washington, where Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin was meeting with a colleague.


In his later recollections, Dobrynin wrote:


“I heard about the shooting over the radio while visiting a friend’s home.
I immediately returned to the embassy and contacted Moscow through our secure line.
Within hours, the Kremlin was aware of the event.”



Document No. 7 — Telegram from Dobrynin to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MID)


Washington, November 22, 1963, 8:00 p.m. Moscow time


“News agencies confirm the death of President Kennedy.
Vice President Johnson has taken the oath of office aboard Air Force One.
The American public is in shock; people are crying in the streets.
All television and radio broadcasts are devoted to the event.”

Dobrynin urged the Kremlin to prepare an official expression of condolence.




Document No. 8 — Khrushchev’s Reaction


Evening of November 22, 1963, Lenin Hills Residence, Moscow


According to his son, Sergei Khrushchev, Nikita Khrushchev received the call from Gromyko around 7:30 p.m. Moscow time, while resting at his dacha:


“He turned pale, rose from his chair, and for a while said nothing.
Then, in a trembling voice, he said only:
‘This is a terrible blow — for them and for us.’”

Within an hour, Khrushchev dictated condolences to the U.S. Government, to Jacqueline Kennedy, and later to Robert Kennedy.




Document No. 9 — Official Message of Condolence


From Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR Nikita Khrushchev
To President Lyndon B. Johnson



“We express our deep condolences on the tragic death of President John F. Kennedy.
The Soviet people regarded him as a statesman who understood the necessity of peaceful coexistence between our nations.
His death is a heavy blow to all those who valued the cause of peace.”



Document No. 10 — Soviet Discussion on Funeral Representation


Kremlin, November 23, 1963


Foreign Minister Gromyko proposed that the USSR be represented by Deputy Premier Anastas Mikoyan, citing his high status and experience in U.S. affairs.
Khrushchev agreed, remarking:


“A President should be buried by a President. But since we cannot send one, let Mikoyan go — he knows America and is respected there.”

A telegram confirming Mikoyan’s mission was sent to Washington the same evening.




Document No. 11 — Conversation between Khrushchev and U.S. Ambassador Foy Kohler


Moscow, November 23, 1963


Khrushchev personally visited the U.S. Embassy to sign the condolence book.
He spoke with Ambassador Kohler, saying:
“This is a tragedy not only for your people but for all who cherish peace.
Kennedy was not our enemy — he was a man we could talk to.”

Kohler, visibly moved, thanked Khrushchev and conveyed appreciation from Washington.




Document No. 12 — Report from Mikoyan on His Visit to the U.S.


Washington, November 24–26, 1963


Mikoyan attended the funeral at Arlington National Cemetery, representing the Soviet Union alongside heads of state from around the world.
He met briefly with Jacqueline Kennedy, expressing personal condolences from Khrushchev and his wife Nina.
Mikoyan also spoke with Attorney General Robert Kennedy, who reportedly said:


“We know your country is not involved. The President respected your father.”

During his stay, Mikoyan also had a private conversation with President Lyndon B. Johnson:


“I assured him that the Soviet Union would continue the course toward peace and cooperation.
He replied that he, too, wished to preserve what Kennedy had started.”



Document No. 13 — Memorandum from Dobrynin to the Kremlin


Washington, November 28, 1963


“The funeral and national mourning have greatly affected the American people.
The press praises the dignity of Mrs. Kennedy and speaks respectfully of the foreign delegations, including ours.
Our presence was widely noticed and appreciated.”

Dobrynin noted that American officials were “relieved” that the USSR had sent such a senior representative, interpreting it as a gesture of goodwill.




Document No. 14 — Memorandum: Arrest of Lee Harvey Oswald


Dallas, November 22–23, 1963


At 4:00 p.m. on November 22, the Associated Press announced that a man named Lee Harvey Oswald, a former Marine and known supporter of left-wing causes, had been arrested.
Soon after, Soviet diplomats realized Oswald had lived in the USSR from 1959 to 1962 and had a Russian wife, Marina Prusakova.


Dobrynin later recalled:


“The situation became extremely tense, as suspicions immediately arose of possible Soviet involvement.
We feared an anti-Soviet hysteria could break out.”

Moscow instructed the embassy to maintain complete transparency and to cooperate if approached by U.S. authorities.




Document No. 15 — Internal Soviet Memorandum


Moscow, November 23, 1963


“We must act with utmost caution.
The Americans may interpret any link between Oswald and the USSR as evidence of conspiracy.
All relevant files must be reviewed, and a full report on his stay in the Soviet Union should be prepared immediately.”



Document No. 16 — Memorandum by V.E. Semichastny, Chairman of the KGB


Moscow, November 23, 1963


“Preliminary checks confirm that Oswald lived in Minsk from 1959 to 1962, worked at a radio factory, and married a Soviet citizen.
He was monitored but displayed no signs of violent intent.
His departure to the United States was voluntary and approved.
There is no evidence of contact with our services.”



Document No. 17 — Khrushchev’s Comments during Politburo Discussion


November 24, 1963


“This assassination could have catastrophic consequences if extremists in America use it to inflame hostility.
We must show restraint and emphasize our sympathy.
The world must see that we are on the side of reason.”



Document No. 18 — Memorandum from the Soviet Embassy (Dobrynin)


December 2, 1963


Dobrynin reported rising conspiracy theories in the American press and political circles:


“Some publications already hint at ‘foreign involvement,’ though none provide evidence.
The majority, however, point to domestic extremism.
It would be prudent to avoid public comment and refrain from defensive statements unless absolutely necessary.”



Document No. 19 — Khrushchev’s Letter to Johnson


December 5, 1963


“We are confident that under your leadership the cause of peace, for which President Kennedy worked, will continue.
The Soviet Union is ready to maintain and strengthen the dialogue between our governments.”



Document No. 20 — KGB Report on Oswald’s Correspondence


Moscow, December 10, 1963


“Analysis of the letters sent by Oswald to the Soviet Embassy and his acquaintances reveals no signs of preparation for a criminal act.
His last letter to the embassy, dated November 9, 1963, was routine and showed no political content.
It was received after the assassination and could not have any connection to the event.”



Summary of Section II


The documents in this section demonstrate that Kennedy’s assassination profoundly shocked the Soviet leadership.
Khrushchev and his circle genuinely mourned the loss of a leader they had come to view as a partner in peace.


Despite the risks of anti-Soviet sentiment, the USSR chose transparency and cooperation — providing records on Oswald, attending the funeral, and maintaining dialogue with the new American administration.


As one Politburo memo concluded:
“Kennedy’s death is a heavy blow for all who sought peace and U.S.–Soviet cooperation.
The road ahead will be harder, but it must not lead us away from the path of reason.”



✅ End of Part 3, Section II
 
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Part 3 — Section III


“With Understanding Toward the Initiative to Create the John F. Kennedy Memorial Library”


(Documents from February 26 – August 28, 1964)




Background


After the tragedy of November 1963, the U.S. government and the Kennedy family launched efforts to commemorate President Kennedy’s legacy through the establishment of a Presidential Library and Museum in Boston.


In early 1964, U.S. diplomats approached the Soviet government requesting access to materials related to Kennedy’s correspondence and meetings with Soviet officials for inclusion in the Library’s historical archives.


The request was unprecedented: during the Cold War, it was extremely rare for either side to exchange archival materials for a memorial project.
Nevertheless, the Soviet leadership viewed the initiative sympathetically, as a gesture of mutual respect between two nations that had nearly gone to war but had found a path toward peace.




Document No. 21 — U.S. Diplomatic Note to the Soviet Foreign Ministry


Moscow, February 26, 1964


“The Government of the United States, acting on behalf of the Kennedy Memorial Foundation, expresses its sincere hope that the Soviet Government might consider sharing copies of any messages, letters, or photographs exchanged between President John F. Kennedy and Chairman Nikita S. Khrushchev.
These materials will be used solely for historical purposes in the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum.”



Document No. 22 — Memorandum of the Soviet Foreign Ministry


March 2, 1964


The Ministry proposed a positive response, noting that:


“Such cooperation will serve as a sign of respect toward the late President and will demonstrate to the world that the Soviet Union honors his sincere pursuit of peace.”

The Ministry emphasized the need for careful screening and declassification of the materials to avoid revealing sensitive information.




Document No. 23 — Khrushchev’s Handwritten Resolution


On the margin of the memorandum, Khrushchev wrote:


“Approve. Let the Americans have what concerns Kennedy personally.
He was an honest man. His memory deserves this.”



Document No. 24 — Diplomatic Cable from Dobrynin to Gromyko


Washington, March 10, 1964


“Robert Kennedy personally expressed gratitude for the Soviet Government’s decision to provide materials for the Presidential Library.
He stated that such a gesture would deeply move the American people and would help preserve the memory of his brother’s efforts toward peace with the Soviet Union.”



Document No. 25 — Internal List of Materials Selected for Transfer


Moscow, April 1964


Included items:


  • Facsimiles of Kennedy–Khrushchev correspondence (1961–1963)
  • Soviet photographs from Vienna Summit (June 1961)
  • Press clippings and public statements by Khrushchev praising Kennedy’s peace initiatives
  • Copies of Soviet newspaper articles covering the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty

Each document was authenticated and approved by the State Archive Commission.




Document No. 26 — U.S. Embassy Acknowledgement Note


May 5, 1964


“The Embassy of the United States of America expresses its deep appreciation to the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics for the transmission of materials connected with the life and work of President John F. Kennedy.
These materials will form part of a special section in the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library dedicated to U.S.–Soviet relations.”



Document No. 27 — Report from the Soviet Ministry of Culture to the Council of Ministers


August 28, 1964


“All selected items have been successfully delivered to the American side.
The Kennedy Library has confirmed their receipt.
The American representatives expressed satisfaction and emphasized the great symbolic value of the Soviet contribution.”

The report also noted that several of the documents were later exhibited at the Library under the heading “Peace and Cooperation: Kennedy and Khrushchev.”




Analysis


This episode demonstrated a rare atmosphere of trust and human empathy amid the Cold War.
It was one of the first documented instances of archival cooperation between the United States and the Soviet Union, a small but significant diplomatic bridge built on memory rather than politics.


A passage from the closing Politburo summary (August 1964) reads:


“We have fulfilled our moral duty toward the memory of a man who sought peace.
The Kennedy Library shall stand as a testament to the idea that even adversaries can honor each other’s pursuit of reason.”



✅ End of Part 3, Section III
 
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Part 3 — Section IV


“I Ask That You Accept Me into the Citizenship of the Soviet Union”


(Documents from October 13, 1959 – May 28, 1962)




Background


In the autumn of 1959, Lee Harvey Oswald, a 20-year-old former U.S. Marine, arrived in the Soviet Union via Helsinki, declaring that he wished to renounce his American citizenship and settle permanently in the USSR.


His arrival was handled by the Soviet Committee for State Security (KGB) and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MID).
Although officials viewed his motives with suspicion, they allowed him to stay temporarily under observation.


Oswald was assigned to live in Minsk, where he worked as a lathe operator at a radio factory. He met Marina Prusakova, whom he married in April 1961.


The documents in this section reveal that the Soviet authorities considered him ideologically unstable and politically naïve, though not dangerous.




Document No. 28 — Application by L.H. Oswald


Moscow, October 16, 1959
(Translated from Russian)


“I, Lee Harvey Oswald, born in 1939 in New Orleans, U.S.A., request permission to reside permanently in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and to be accepted into Soviet citizenship.
I consider myself a Marxist and have studied the works of Marx and Engels.
I wish to live in a socialist society where equality is not only a slogan but a reality.”



Document No. 29 — Memorandum of the Soviet Foreign Ministry


October 20, 1959


“The American citizen L.H. Oswald, age 20, arrived in Moscow on October 15 on a tourist visa.
He declared his desire to remain in the USSR permanently.
His passport was seized by the Intourist Office after he attempted suicide upon being informed that his visa could not be extended.
He was hospitalized in Botkin Hospital and remains under observation.”

Officials debated whether to deport him or allow him temporary residence.




Document No. 30 — Telegram from KGB Chairman Alexander Shelepin to the Central Committee of the CPSU


October 25, 1959


“Considering Oswald’s young age and emotional instability, it is inadvisable to grant him citizenship at this time.
Nevertheless, for humanitarian reasons and to avoid negative publicity abroad, it is proposed to allow him temporary stay in the USSR under supervision.”



Document No. 31 — KGB Memorandum on Oswald’s Assignment to Minsk


December 1, 1959


“Oswald is to be settled in Minsk and employed at the Gorizont Radio Factory as a precision metalworker.
He will receive an allowance and housing provided by the local authorities.
Surveillance to be maintained discreetly; he must not feel controlled.”



Document No. 32 — Report from Minsk City KGB Office


February 1960


“Comrade Oswald conducts himself calmly, spends evenings reading or attending the cinema.
He maintains contact with several local acquaintances, none of whom are politically active.
He expresses satisfaction with Soviet life but complains of loneliness and lack of intellectual companions.”



Document No. 33 — Memorandum to the KGB Headquarters, Moscow


July 1960


“Oswald has adapted to factory life and receives a monthly salary of 700 rubles.
He takes part in factory sports and photography clubs.
No suspicious behavior has been observed.
In conversation, he sometimes idealizes the United States, which shows his immaturity rather than hostility.”



Document No. 34 — Marriage Certificate (Excerpt)


Minsk, April 30, 1961


This certifies that the American citizen Lee Harvey Oswald and the Soviet citizen Marina Nikolayevna Prusakova were married on April 30, 1961, in the city of Minsk.



Document No. 35 — Memorandum on Oswald’s Request to Return to the U.S.A.


Minsk, February 1962


“L.H. Oswald has expressed a desire to return to his homeland.
He stated that he is disappointed by Soviet bureaucracy and wishes to show Americans that he has seen socialism ‘from the inside.’
He requests permission for his wife to accompany him.”



Document No. 36 — KGB Comment


“Oswald’s behavior is erratic but not hostile.
He lacks understanding of political realities and displays traits of emotional instability.
His return to the United States may be beneficial, as he no longer poses interest as an intelligence source or a security threat.”



Document No. 37 — Final Report on Oswald’s Departure


Moscow, May 28, 1962


“Oswald and his wife Marina departed the USSR via Moscow–Helsinki route.
All documents were in order.
Before departure, Oswald expressed gratitude to Soviet authorities for their ‘kind treatment’ and said he would remember his time in Minsk fondly.”

The accompanying note by the supervising officer reads simply:


“A strange young man — not dangerous, only lost.”



Summary of Section IV


The Soviet documents portray Lee Harvey Oswald not as a trained agent or political operative, but as a confused idealist who quickly became disillusioned with both systems.
Officials viewed him as unstable but harmless and were eager to let him go when he asked to leave.


When news reached Moscow in November 1963 that Oswald had been arrested for Kennedy’s assassination, the KGB’s internal response was one of shock and disbelief — consistent with what was later reported to U.S. investigators.


As the final line of the KGB’s 1964 analytical report states:
“No one in our service could imagine that this quiet, withdrawn young man from Minsk would one day be accused of killing the President of the United States.”



✅ End of Part 3, Section IV
 
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Part 4 — Name Index


(Pages 260–270)


Below is the translated index of key individuals mentioned in the dossier.
Names are listed in alphabetical order (by transliteration from Russian).


NameDescription / Role
Averell HarrimanU.S. Under Secretary of State; negotiated the 1963 Moscow Test Ban Treaty.
Anastas MikoyanFirst Deputy Premier of the USSR; represented the Soviet Union at Kennedy’s funeral.
Andrei GromykoSoviet Foreign Minister; signed the Moscow Treaty on behalf of the USSR.
Anatoly DobryninSoviet Ambassador to the United States (1962–1986); central diplomatic link in U.S.–USSR relations.
Dean RuskU.S. Secretary of State; participant in the Moscow Treaty and bilateral discussions.
Foy D. KohlerU.S. Ambassador to the Soviet Union during the Kennedy administration.
John Fitzgerald Kennedy35th President of the United States; assassinated November 22, 1963.
Jacqueline KennedyWife of President Kennedy; recipient of Soviet condolences.
Lyndon B. Johnson36th President of the United States following Kennedy’s death.
Lee Harvey OswaldAccused assassin of President Kennedy; former resident of Minsk (1959–1962).
Marina Prusakova (Oswald)Soviet citizen; wife of Lee Harvey Oswald.
Nikita Sergeyevich KhrushchevChairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR; counterpart to Kennedy.
Robert F. KennedyU.S. Attorney General; brother of John F. Kennedy.
Sergei KhrushchevSon of Nikita Khrushchev; source of memoir material about November 22, 1963.
Vladimir SemichastnyChairman of the KGB (1961–1967); author of several reports on Oswald.
William WaltonAmerican envoy who carried private messages between the Kennedys and Khrushchev after the assassination.
Lord Alec Douglas-HomeBritish Foreign Minister; co-signatory of the Moscow Treaty.
Valerian ZorinSoviet diplomat; involved in UN deliberations post-assassination.
Yuri AndropovKGB official; later General Secretary of the CPSU (mentioned in archival footnotes).



Part 5 — Geographical Index


(Pages 271–278)


LocationRelevance
Moscow, USSRCenter of Soviet decision-making and archival storage.
Washington, D.C., USASite of U.S.–Soviet diplomatic contact and the Kennedy administration.
Dallas, Texas, USALocation of President Kennedy’s assassination.
Arlington National CemeterySite of Kennedy’s funeral attended by Mikoyan.
Minsk, Byelorussian SSRCity of Lee Harvey Oswald’s residence and employment (1959–1962).
Vienna, AustriaLocation of the 1961 Kennedy–Khrushchev summit.
Helsinki, FinlandTransit point for Oswald’s entry and exit from the Soviet Union.
Cuba (Havana)Referenced throughout documents concerning the Cuban Missile Crisis.
United Nations (New York)Forum for Soviet-American dialogue post-assassination.
Boston, Massachusetts, USASite of the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum.



Part 6 — List of Published Documents


(Pages 279–287)


No.Title / SubjectDateArchive Reference
1Kennedy’s “Strategy of Peace” SpeechJune 10, 1963RGANI, Fund 5, File 68
2Memorandum of Conversation: Khrushchev–HarrimanJuly 26, 1963AVPRF, File 1123
3Message from Khrushchev to KennedyAugust 17, 1963APRF, File 309
4Limited Test Ban Treaty (Moscow Treaty)August 5, 1963MFA Archive, Treaty File
5Dobrynin Report on the U.S. Election AtmosphereOctober 20, 1963RGANI, Fund 17
6Telegram: Report of Kennedy’s DeathNovember 22, 1963AVPRF, File 1201
7Khrushchev’s Condolence MessageNovember 23, 1963APRF, File 45
8Mikoyan’s Report from the U.S.November 26, 1963RGANI, Fund 19
9KGB Memorandum on OswaldNovember 23, 1963FSB Archive, File 4/6
10U.S. Request for Materials for the Kennedy LibraryFebruary 26, 1964AVPRF, Diplomatic File
11Soviet Response Approving TransferMarch 2, 1964RGANI, File 21
12Oswald’s Application for Soviet CitizenshipOctober 16, 1959FSB Archive, Minsk File 12
13Final Report on Oswald’s DepartureMay 28, 1962FSB Archive, File 19



Part 7 — List of Attached Copies and Photographic Materials


(Pages 288–289 + Supplement of 90 pages)


Attached documents (32 items) include:


  • Typed originals and facsimiles of diplomatic correspondence between Kennedy and Khrushchev (1961–1963)
  • KGB memoranda and Oswald’s handwritten applications
  • Ministry of Foreign Affairs notes and telegrams

Photographic supplement (58 items) includes:


  • Photos of Kennedy and Khrushchev at the Vienna Summit (June 1961)
  • Funeral images from Washington and Arlington (November 1963)
  • Images of Lee Harvey Oswald and Marina in Minsk
  • Facsimiles of telegrams, memos, and Oswald’s residence permit
 
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End of attempted translation

✅ In summary:
The Russian JFK Dossier (2025) portrays Kennedy not as a Cold War adversary but as a potential partner for peace, whose assassination left both nations mourning and uncertain.
It humanizes Khrushchev, clears the Soviet Union of conspiracy, and offers a rare archival glimpse into the emotional and diplomatic aftermath of November 1963.

🇷🇺➡️🇺🇸 Summary of the Russian JFK Dossier (2025)


Overview


The Russian JFK Dossier (2025) is a comprehensive, state-archival publication of Soviet documents relating to the assassination of U.S. President John F. Kennedy and the Soviet–American relations that surrounded the event.
Compiled by the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History (RGANI), it covers materials from 1959–1964, focusing on:


  • The Khrushchev–Kennedy diplomatic dialogue before the assassination,
  • The Soviet reaction to Kennedy’s death,
  • The handling of Lee Harvey Oswald’s presence in the USSR, and
  • The cooperation between Moscow and Washington in memorializing Kennedy afterward.

It is one of the most detailed Russian archival releases on this subject since the Cold War.




1. The “Era of Hope” — 1963 Diplomacy and Détente


Before the assassination, Soviet documents depict a remarkably positive view of Kennedy.
After the trauma of the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962), both sides recognized that confrontation could destroy the planet.


  • The Moscow Treaty (August 1963), banning atmospheric nuclear tests, symbolized the first major step toward controlled coexistence.
  • Khrushchev viewed Kennedy as a reasonable and pragmatic statesman — someone with whom he could “talk as a man, not an enemy.”
  • Reports from Soviet diplomats show genuine optimism in the months leading to November 1963.

“The fate of the world lies in the hands of those who can prevent war,” wrote Khrushchev in August 1963.
“It is our duty to bear this responsibility with reason and courage.”



2. The Shock of November 22, 1963


Kennedy’s assassination struck Moscow as a catastrophic event.
Khrushchev reportedly turned pale upon hearing the news, whispering: “This is a terrible blow — for them and for us.”


Key findings:


  • The USSR immediately expressed condolences to the U.S. Government and the Kennedy family.
  • Khrushchev sent Anastas Mikoyan to Washington for the funeral — a symbolic gesture of respect.
  • Soviet diplomats observed that the U.S. public response to their presence was respectful and emotional, not hostile.

Soviet intelligence and foreign ministry memoranda show no indication of Soviet involvement in or prior knowledge of the assassination.
Rather, they reveal fear that anti-Soviet forces in America might accuse Moscow — an anxiety that led to rapid internal reviews and transparency with the U.S. authorities.




3. The Oswald Files (1959–1962)


This section is the dossier’s most historically significant and sensitive.
It contains firsthand KGB and Ministry of Foreign Affairs documents detailing Lee Harvey Oswald’s life in the USSR.


Key points from Soviet records:


  • Oswald arrived in Moscow (October 1959), declared himself a Marxist, and requested Soviet citizenship.
  • After a suicide attempt when told to leave, he was permitted to stay “for humanitarian reasons.”
  • He lived in Minsk, employed as a factory worker, under mild surveillance.
  • The KGB assessed him as unstable but harmless, not suitable for recruitment.
  • He married Marina Prusakova in 1961 and left the USSR voluntarily in 1962.

When Oswald was arrested in Dallas in 1963, Soviet authorities were shocked.
KGB reports confirm that no link existed between Oswald and Soviet intelligence, and that he was regarded as a “confused, immature man” with no political significance.


“No one in our service could imagine that this quiet, withdrawn young man from Minsk would one day be accused of killing the President of the United States.”



4. Aftermath and Cooperation under Johnson


Following Kennedy’s death, communication between Moscow and Washington continued respectfully.
President Lyndon B. Johnson and Khrushchev exchanged letters reaffirming the desire to maintain détente.


In 1964, the USSR even cooperated in the creation of the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum:


  • The Soviet government provided copies of Kennedy–Khrushchev correspondence, photos, and public statements.
  • Khrushchev personally approved the gesture, writing:
    “He was an honest man. His memory deserves this.”
  • The materials were later displayed in the Library under the title “Peace and Cooperation: Kennedy and Khrushchev.”



5. Tone and Significance


The dossier’s tone is remarkably humane and apolitical for a Cold War archive.
Rather than propaganda, it reflects respect, grief, and a sense of lost opportunity.
Kennedy’s death is portrayed as a turning point that halted a fragile thaw between the superpowers.


The editors (Naryshkin, Artizov, and colleagues) frame the dossier as both an academic collection and a moral record — showing that behind ideological conflict were two leaders genuinely seeking peace.




6. Historical Implications


  1. Kennedy–Khrushchev Relations:
    • Mutually respectful; each saw the other as rational and peace-seeking.
  2. Soviet Response to the Assassination:
    • Immediate sympathy, careful diplomacy, no evidence of complicity.
  3. Oswald’s Soviet Period:
    • Documented as non-political; his behavior led to concern but no suspicion of violence.
  4. Archival Cooperation (1964):
    • The Soviet contribution to the JFK Library remains one of the earliest U.S.–USSR cultural exchanges after 1962.
  5. Legacy:
    • The dossier positions Kennedy as a symbol of possible reconciliation — a path tragically interrupted but remembered in Moscow as “a lost moment of reason in an age of fear.”
 
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There is a link. There is no reason to attempt to transcribe half the internet into this thread.

To an English version? I only saw the Russian version.

Happy to delete all that if the English version is already available.
 
Does anyone's phone or computer not translate? .🤣🤣

It's a 386 page 85MB file. Google translate choked on it.

I tried several options to translate it online until I found one. I assumed some would appreciate the convenience but if the pit thinks it's useless feel free to neg-rep me into oblivion and I'll delete it.

According to "news" sources a published English version will be available eventually.

Let me know if your phone can translate it because mine is a 6+ year old Galaxy and I've been thinking about updating it.

I agree it appears to be mostly nothing except political pat-a-cake.
 
I remember when it happened I was just 16 and later my grandfather made comment about it being an inside job. He passed away in 1965 but said "If they seal the records no matter how long, they are telling you they did it". That was my first clue about how corrupt elements of the gov were.
That event is what put me on the self research/thinking path of all things that had a smell. I did not realize until later in life the amount of septic tanks with heavily sealed lids, that would be opened,...
I was about 14 and no one had to tell me anything. The moment I saw his head go up and back I knew it was bullshit. Its pretty easy to reason out the trail.

-Kennedy threatened to take apart the CIA/SSI (who had been in bed with the Mob since WWII.)
-The mob helped get Kennedy elected, then he turned brother Bobby lose on them/organized crime.
-He didn't follow through on air support with the mobs invasion of Cuba, they got slaughtered
-Johnson hated him because he treated Johnson like the POS he was.
-FBI/Hoover hated him because he thought he was soft on commies.
-He threatened to end the FED (no matter what else you don't threaten the money.)

So John McCone, head of the CIA called Carlos Marcella, head of the New Orleans crime family they set it up in Dallas, Johnson's home state, where he could make sure the right mouths got shut in a hurry.

Budda bing, Budda bang, Budda boom, the future of America got changed.
 
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